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bombOpen letter 16/18/02/11

Church and State

The State and Church are separate, according to the Constitution (Art. 140 GG in conjunction with Art. 137 Para. 3 WRV), even though the word “separation” does not appear in the Constitution. Freedom of religion means for the State that it should neither pass judgement nor intervene in religious matters – belonging to a particular religion may bring neither advantage nor disadvantage, and certainly not be an exclusion criterion in any context.
Ideological and religious cooperation is desired – this applies to the citizen, who may worship as he sees fit. Neutrality applies to the State, which can work impartially with religious associations or other supporters.
In Germany there are two Christian denominations; these have been supplemented by other religions, which may also be freely chosen. The State and the Christian denominations have come to terms with each other over centuries, which are regulated by the legal order of the relationship between State and Church. This applies to the Christian religions. The resulting co-existence was familiar and this familiarity was a prerequisite, that the State should not interfere with the Church. Since today we can hardly speak of a solely Christian population, the State must comply with its function, and promote and implement the rule of law in cases of violations and suspicions. The cooperation between Church and State must also be carried out and controlled according to conscience and office. Habits have become ingrained in the familiarity of the past few years which pursue very secular interests, if not exclusively political interests.
The lobby of Church representatives has grown; their work, like that of the work of the lobbyists of the banking sector and business, extends to the assertion of religious interests. It therefore plays a fundamental role that the governing parties claim to act according to Christian motives; it plays a role if the governing parties obligated to Christian principles decide in a completely un-Christian way for the preservation of the party. Pertinent examples include the ratification of the ESM or the adoption of the Financial Stabilisation Act, which allow banks to make huge losses and then pass them on to the citizens, to compensate for these losses with tax funds, the livelihood, lost investment returns and the pension provisions of the people.
Such un-Christian behaviour even goes so far that the poorest of the solidarity community of the State/Church, who would like to be social, friendly and helpful, are not supported, but are rather deceived. These people are welfare recipients, the unemployed, and those receiving emergency support.
In addition, the number of those receiving assistance has long since passed the 3 million mark, because these 3 million serve a State propaganda, which yearns for voters, but has fundamentally destroyed the employment structure. People who work in the low-wage sector, as temporary workers, are not unemployed – their number is increasing; People who are sick and have to take early retirement disappear from the statistics and projections, and are replaced by estimates. This group also includes pupils or students, who need help at times, and quickly disappear from the “problem” file and offices, or (and this also concerns many others seeking work) are temporarily hidden in training and education programmes. All these people are unemployed, but are not classified or recorded as unemployed. To this figure must be added all those who do not apply for assistance, out of shame or because they hardly hope for help. Unfortunately, there are no actual figures, because this would probably be too expensive, just like figures on the actual national debt, but the number of unemployed still ranges from somewhere below 10% and 26-29%.
All unemployed people should, according to the Federal Constitutional Court in the year 2010, receive more money from the start of 2011. The regulations should also take into account the needs of children and young people. All payments should be verifiable, and should be reviewed and amended on a regular basis. The central government and the states agreed on an increase in the rates on 23rd February 2011. Little has happened since then. The rates have been increased only slightly, as reported several times by the Alliance for Democracy.

Politics has followed its own rules and the supreme guardians of the law were booted out or surrendered themselves to the duty of instruction. The Alliance for Democracy however showed resistance and published an objection on the net, which was circulated amongst other things with the aid of the “ Heidelberger Bündnis gegen Armut und Ausgrenzung” (“ Heidelberg Association against poverty and marginalisation”) and lead to a complaint by a Berlin couple.
Despite legal arguments, there is unfortunately no judgment that states how much more money this couple should have received, and by extension all unemployed people.
The worst thing is that is the aid associations involved, and above all the “Deutsche Paritätische Wohlfahrtsverband, Gesamtverband e. V.,” (“German Joint Welfare Association”), voted for a much lower rate of monthly support than specified by the minimum subsistence level, and proposed by the Alliance for Democracy. The association said that it had not made its own calculations, but was going by “the calculated figures of other institutions such as the Federal Office of Statistics, the OECD or the Federal Employment Agency”.
The advisor for special basic policy issues Christian Woltering distanced himself in a letter from the statement of the Chief Director Ulrich Schneider, that the minimum subsistence level was € 960/month. Woltering argued instead that the poverty threshold for a single household stood at € 848/month (“2012 Poverty Report”). The advisor also gave the requirement of Hartz-IV recipients as (from € 830-) to € 690/month; this figure comes from the Federal Employment Agency (and may differ from place to place). Woltering failed to state in the letter, which is available to the Alliance for Democracy, whether these rates conformed to the minimum subsistence level or not. The Association therefore renders itself guilty of following the government figures, without checking the actual requirements. The statement that the basic raising of the Hartz IV rates was a concern of the Association, can thus be described as a sham, and gives rise to the suspicion that the Church is simply telling the State what it wants to hear, and is not doing enough to help the needy. The reference to using government figures, and therefore being right, is consequently an indictment against poverty which must be laid at the door of the Association.
In times when the State coffers are empty, and loans have to be taken out to cover other loans, in order to be able to maintain the national budget at all, it is perhaps necessary to consider where savings can be made. In view of the total bankruptcy of Germany and the totally failed Euro rescue policy however, the time for savings has passed – there are no more savings to be made. The fact that Church and State go hand-in-hand in such a situation with the opinion that those who have no job have to live far below the minimum subsistence level is a disgrace to both sides. No less disgraceful than the fact that the Federal Constitutional Court called for updated rates for Hartz-IV, to which the Merkel government reacted with minimum contributions, which did not comply with the reform and probably also brought no benefit for those in need of support. In the wrangling for supremacy in the State, where according to the Merkel view of State control the only thing which applies is what the Chancellor says, the Federal Constitutional Court will assent it if gets the chance to implement the reform by means of judicial controls. Again, this is a political reform exodus, which will show how the State reacts to control and differing opinions – with subjugation. How embarrassing for the supreme German court to subject itself in this way; how much more embarrassing for a government which sees the need for such dictatorial measures. The political mix obviously means nothing to all Hartz-IV recipients; but for the Church, it means subjection to the State.
Church institutions however, which have committed themselves to the welfare of the people, like politicians who have sworn an oath to serve the people, can only be classified as irresponsible, when both sides act contrary to these promises, and also hardly take the trouble to find out why they act in this way, because that would bring to light how bankrupt the State really is, and how much the Church and Church institutions rely on State funding. The link between Church and State is in this case negative, and can only be regarded as inhuman and even hostile to religion. The Church may not support a State in aberrations by decisions or statements which correspond neither to secular decency nor Christian conduct, when it comes simply to a question of money which is being fought over by the Church (decline in Church followers, therefore less revenue from donations and church tax) and the State (increase in the national debt, both explicit and implicit, to around € 15,000 billion).
It would be decidedly in line with the times either to drastically reduce these ongoing church tax deductions or even cancel them completely, because to these earnings can be added the Church collections, and social services of the Church could be readily provided from the collections. It is all the more timely, as the increased trend of leaving the Church shows that the population has become sick and tired not only of party politics, but also the institutions of the Church. As for the parties, their acceptance or rejection is better measurable by elections, such as those eight weeks ago, which showed that 30% of the electorate did not vote (which is not right, but which corresponds to the confusion and helplessness caused by the parties).
It may be due to the crisis that the State accepts the Church as a mouthpiece; it may be due to the inability of politics (both secular and religious) to act when the money is lacking. In times of necessity therefore, the Church and State work very closely together, and do so in the gloomy conviction of holding the State together. At this point the real dependency becomes apparent, because if the State goes under, so does the Church. Faith may be immutable; bringing comfort to all those in this world who are fearful; Politics and money however are the yoke which destroys faith and culture and the co-existence and development of a society. If politics understands this as a mandate, the Church can be no servant of this – by its very reason and because lies are prohibited. And if Church and State have merged in times of need, the powerful must still be subject to control, since they pursue the same interests. This too is an essential part of genuine, direct democracy.
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