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NPD ban
The politicians spoke a little dizzily about whether they should support the new NPD ban or not, but unfortunately
the ladies and gentlemen in Berlin have overlooked the real issue.
There have already been frequent attempts in Germany to ban the extreme right. Even when Gerhard Schröder was still
Chancellor, the Federal Constitutional Court had to review whether the unconstitutionality of the NPD could be
established, and whether a ban could therefore be imposed. At the beginning of the year 2003, the Constitutional
Court however set the proceedings aside, because investigators of the Office for the Protection of the Constitution
were active in the leadership of the party. The question of whether the NPD is unconstitutional or not was taken
off the agenda. The prohibition proceedings failed.
There were then several attempts, which were all based on the fact that the instructions of the Court issued with
the failed prohibition proceedings for future applications remained unfulfilled. The Constitutional Court decreed
that in the run-up to such prohibition proceedings, there must be no such investigators in the ranks of the NPD.
Then the Interior Minister Hans-Peter Friedrich decided to make a new application, causing a furore amongst the
party acolytes. The main matter, namely, the reason for the complaint, the examination of the constitutionality of
the NPD, again seemed no longer important, nor how such proceedings could be won or how the proceedings might fail
again. At the moment it is only important that the political camps exchange views on whether they want to take part
in the initiative of the Minister. The Bundestag and Bundesrat talked and talked about the matter; Chancellor
Merkel then saw no other way in this application that the government wanted to make, and gave her agreement, in
order to make it known through Mr. Friedrich, after protests of the coalition partner the FDP (represented by
Justice Minister Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger, FDP), that was nothing doing at the moment. No way, no application!
A really important debate then descends to the level of campaign tactics, which leads only to the question of to
what extent the democratic party landscape in Germany should be rooted out. This after the fact, and it meant the
turning point that turns a democracy into a dictatorship. It should also have been discussed whether or not the
Left camp should be examined for its constitutionality, which would throw up the question of whether or not all
parties should undergo such a check. It must also be kept in mind: the rejections of the NPD and its subsidiary
organisations are subject to the criminal prosecution and jurisdiction. The moral distortions of a
popularity-seeking Chancellor who is deliberately delaying insolvency, who sets herself above whole peoples with
treaties and laws, which confirms the task of the budget authority of the Bundestag, the prohibited state
financing, and above all the financial aid between the debtor countries of the Euro zone, these are all
unjustifiably considered by the Federal Constitutional Court as permissible freedom of action. The Constitutional
Protection Office would have a lot of work to do in this area, but this helps nobody in getting unwelcome party
opponents off their neck (in order to get the voters to the polling booth), but it gives rise to the question of to
what extent the political camps of the centre right (CDU/CSU) and the social parties (SPD) are interlinked with the
NPD. And this question would also have to be faced by the Greens and the FDP. Such research would however take a
long time, and hopefully would not reveal once again at the end that the investigators do not present their results
to anyone, because nobody asked for them. The Alliance for Democracy wants results!
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