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Euro-political bogus dealings

The Euro crisis is increasingly allowing the ailing countries to circumvent the relevant legal bases, even those which were created by the community to preserve the stability of the currency. So all countries play fast-and-loose with the applicable law. The reason: So as not to be caught up and hung in the inevitable chain of bankruptcy. The whole act also serves to reassure the people, who are intended to be convinced by such actions: There is a remedy for the crisis. These remedies have many names, one is the Fiscal Pact; and they are all equally ineffective.

      1.Fiscal Pact
      The supporting countries failed to stick to the limits of the Maastricht Treaty and its stability and pact for total and new borrowing, and instead invented rescue package constructions, which maintained the money market and were intended to cover the continuing money demand of the Euro countries being supported. In joint talks between the heads of the supporting Euro countries, at that time Germany, France, Italy, Spain and Finland, it was agreed that additional interest charges resulting from support measures and additional debt in the framework of the total debt as a percentage based on the respective gross domestic product of these countries would not be taken into account. This as to be done by means of rescue packages via subsidiary liability of the citizens of these countries and via liabilities and guarantees, which should be included in the national budgets of the countries. They were aware that such an additional total debt and new borrowing would exceed all the self-imposed limits, including those of the debt brake incorporated into the German Constitution and similar laws in other Euro countries. Measured by the example of Germany, this has been achieved simply by means of additional liability on the basis of rescue package support through liability for loans which the supported countries would no longer have been able to obtain on their own behalf because of their insolvency.

      Citizens were thereby divided with actions that actually should all have appeared in national budgets, on the one hand actions that were still required in the national budget and on the other hand those which were now additionally required, and should also have appeared in the national budgets, but which were no longer wanted by the government. By this trick, the requirements were created by which the supporting countries no longer have to, or are able to, observe the jointly agreed fiscal pact condition, with the proviso of having to implement appropriate savings programmes.

      The rescue package construction via subsidiary guarantees, i.e. liabilities or guarantees with the redirection of the loans actually taken out via the national budget to the supported countries, which would no longer have been able to obtain credit without such corresponding liability, were diverted by such liabilities and guarantees to the supported countries, so that they could continue to obtain loans.

      The result is that the citizens of a country were tricked into continuing to pay for the whole swindle with tax funds. The supporting countries thereby concealed that citizens will bear the higher interest charges resulting from the wheeling and dealing, and these are higher than if Germany were to take out loans through the national budget, which the same citizens would also have to bear, but which would have lead to lower interest rates for the FRG and the other national budgets of other governments of the additional four supporting countries, i.e. the trickery of observing the Fiscal Pact by the supporting countries themselves costs the citizens of the supporting countries additional interest, and even increases it, due to interest and costs not immediately payable in the form of capital repayments outside the national budgets, although in the event of insolvency of supported countries, this results in payment obligations which are not fulfilled direct by citizens, but once again via the national budgets. And it should also be noted that cash payments required for the rescue funds, such as those relating to the ESM come in four to five annual instalments in the total amount of € 80 billion, of which Germany is responsible for € 21.7 billion. And this because of instead of designing the system for the rescue package contributions equitable, they are now made by means of direct payments, i.e. by direct loans taken out by Germany, the interest on which is again paid through the national budget. Such a division was engineered deliberately and all citizens of the countries involved were accordingly deceived, although these are measures which should all have figured in the budgets, as in the German national budget. In this sense, this can only be considered as double book-keeping.

      2.Spain, formerly also a supporting country, would gladly have bought junk government bonds through the ECB, in order to bring its ailing budget back into balance by reducing the risk interest. In thus case it is unfortunate or the leadership of the country that the final say has not yet been made on matters such as the ESM or ECB approval for the purchase of such bonds – because time is running out for the Spanish, while the ECB argues with the Germans, whose government would have nothing against such a purchase, although it violates the statutes of the bank, and also infringes German laws. And so it must first be reviewed in terms of the Constitution, to what extent the Federal Government may be required to bring a complaint against the approach of the European Central Bank before the European Court of Justice in Strasbourg. A decision by the Federal Constitutional Court must be made within two months (by 6.11.12), and the result of the investigation will show whether and to what extent the Federal Constitutional Court assumes a position on the applications and grounds listed in this complaint.

      Regardless of the above, the Presidency of the ECB has declared, as a prerequisite for the purchase of junk government bonds of a country (in this case Spain), that this country must submit to the requirements of the Fiscal Pact, which is also a prerequisite for the receipt of rescue package support via the ESM, which subject to the liability limitation of its approval by the Federal Constitutional Court before the final decision, which may take months, has basically been given in the form of the urgent proceedings. None of this can be to the taste of the Spanish, who need money urgently. The purchase of junk government bonds would be a short-term rescue for Spain, but in order to get its hands on the money, the country would have to apply for ESM funds, and would then have to adhere to the associated austerity and savings measures, which it however cannot fulfil. The intended application for funds from the ESM is therefore a bogus application, because Spain has nothing to save and does not intend to apply the requirements.

      3.Due to the provisional decision of the Federal Constitutional Court to limit the ESM to € 190 billion, and since it must still be decided to what extent the purchase of junk government bonds by the ECB is compatible with the German Constitution, the German government is on the horns of a dilemma, just like as Spain, although for different reasons. The German government does not want to be able to be held responsible (although this would be economically sensible) for putting an end to the waste of money by the EMU. The government is caught in a trap, but is struggling to find possible solutions. One is to leverage the limitation of the ESM by special funds. A very evil plan, which becomes all the more evil when it is taken into account that there must be many such special funds to cover the huge loans that keep the country alive with still more borrowing. And every time, the budget law of the German Bundestag is bypassed. The future will show to what extent the Federal Constitutional Court classifies each of these special funds as illegal. The Alliance for Democracy will take action against all of them and note: The budgetary sovereignty of the Bundestag has thus finally fallen victim to a raging crash policy, which no longer knows any moderation, and which nobody can stop, but which constitutes further steps on the way to betraying democracy and rule of law, and thereby extinguishing all democratic life in favour of a Eurocracy which is founded on injustice.
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